India, Maharashtra, vijay kumbhar, News, Governance, RTI, Transparency, Civic Issues, Real Estate: Nitin Gadkari
Showing posts with label Nitin Gadkari. Show all posts
Showing posts with label Nitin Gadkari. Show all posts

Saturday, August 30, 2025

Ethical Concerns and Financial Surge: Nitin Gadkari, CIAN Agro, and India’s Ethanol Policy

India’s ambitious push for ethanol blending under the E20 policy aims to reduce fossil fuel dependence and cut emissions. However, the involvement of Union Minister for Road Transport and Highways Nitin Gadkari, along with his family’s businesses CIAN Agro, led by his son Nikhil Gadkari, and Manas Agro, linked to his brother Sarang Gadkari raises serious ethical questions about conflict of interest and the potential misuse of public office. Adding to these concerns is the meteoric rise in CIAN Agro’s share price, which surged from ₹42 in July 2024 to ₹701 by August 28, 2025 a 520.88% gain in just over a year. This article examines the interplay between policy influence, family business interests, and financial performance, assessing whether the situation reflects legitimate growth or unethical profiteering.

Nitin Gadkari
Nitin Gadkari

The E20 policy, mandating 20% ethanol blending in petrol, is a cornerstone of the National Policy on Biofuels (2018, amended 2022). Championed by Nitin Gadkari, the policy aims to save ₹30,000 crore annually in oil imports, support farmers, and reduce carbon emissions. Gadkari’s ministry has pushed initiatives such as promoting biofuel vehicles and ethanol production from innovative sources like CO₂ and bamboo, aligning with national energy goals. However, the policy’s benefits to ethanol producers, including CIAN Agro and Manas Agro, raise questions about impartiality.

CIAN Agro, under the leadership of Nikhil Gadkari, has capitalized on this policy. In January 2024, it signed an MoU with the Chennai-based Ram Charan Group to produce ethanol from distillery byproducts, positioning itself as a leader in sustainable fuel production. Manas Agro, associated with Sarang Gadkari, also operates in the ethanol sector, reportedly supplying ethanol to government channels—though this claim remains unverified. The alignment of these family-linked businesses with a policy heavily promoted by Nitin Gadkari creates a perception of conflict of interest, where public decisions may favor private gains.

A conflict of interest arises when a public official’s decisions could benefit personal or family interests. Gadkari’s influence over fuel and transport policies, combined with his family’s stakes in ethanol production, fuels skepticism. Indian ministers are bound by the Code of Conduct for Ministers, which requires transparency and recusal from decisions involving personal interests. No evidence suggests Gadkari recused himself from ethanol policy decisions. Moreover, the lack of public disclosures about these companies’ government contracts or subsidies undermines trust.

The E20 policy is a national initiative benefiting multiple stakeholders, not just Gadkari’s family. Companies like BCL Industries and Gokul Agro have also thrived in the ethanol market, and the policy’s environmental and economic goals are undeniable. Yet, the Gadkari family’s deep involvement—Nikhil as CIAN Agro’s Managing Director and Sarang’s ties to both CIAN Agro and Manas Agro—creates an appearance of impropriety. The high promoter shareholding in CIAN Agro (67.67%, with 44.33% pledged) and limited transparency about its financial surge further amplify concerns about favoritism.

CIAN Agro’s stock price soared from ₹42 in July 2024 to ₹398 on August 8, 2025, and to ₹701 by August 28, 2025—a 60% jump in just 20 days and a 520.88% gain over a year. This surge coincides with exceptional financial performance. In Q1 FY26 (June 2025), CIAN Agro reported a net profit of ₹52.21 crore, up 52,110% from ₹0.0979 crore in Q1 FY25, and revenue of ₹510.80 crore, a 2,824% increase from ₹17.47 crore. For FY25, annual profit rose 740% to ₹41.16 crore, and sales grew 502.78% to ₹1,029 crore. These figures reflect CIAN Agro’s expansion into ethanol production and its acquisition of Manas Power Ventures, which turned a 270 MW coal-based power project (Ideal Energy Projects) into its subsidiary.

The E20 policy has created a lucrative market for ethanol, with oil marketing companies mandated to procure it for blending. CIAN Agro’s innovation in producing ethanol from CO₂ has aligned well with this demand, boosting investor confidence. Its trailing twelve-month P/E ratio of 13.30–20.05, compared to a sector P/E of 21.20, suggested the stock was undervalued, attracting buyers. However, the rapid 60% surge in just 20 days, an overbought RSI of 88.5, and the Bombay Stock Exchange’s classification of the stock under ASM Stage 4 all signal speculative trading. High trading volumes (53,000 shares on August 29, 2025, vs. a two-week average of 35,000) and a market cap of ₹2,061.30 crore reflect market exuberance.

A claim that Chaitanya Constructions and Builders, linked to Sarang Gadkari, bought 1,87,16,821 shares at ₹20.50 in May 2025—now valued at ₹701, implying a profit of ₹1,275 crore—raises serious concerns about insider trading or preferential deals. However, this transaction remains unverified and contradicts reported share prices (e.g., ₹549.70 on August 20, 2025), making the allegation speculative.

The situation is ethically troubling. The Gadkari family’s stakes in ethanol production, combined with Nitin Gadkari’s policy influence, create a strong perception of nepotism—even if the E20 policy serves national interests. The lack of transparency about CIAN Agro’s contracts and revenue sources, coupled with its rapid financial and stock market success, fuels suspicion of profiteering. While CIAN Agro’s growth aligns with market opportunities, the absence of clear disclosures and Gadkari’s failure to address conflict-of-interest concerns undermine public trust.

CIAN Agro’s share price surge from ₹42 to ₹701 reflects strong financial performance and ethanol policy tailwinds, but speculative trading and ethical concerns cast a shadow. The Gadkari family’s deep involvement in ethanol production, alongside Nitin Gadkari’s policymaking role, creates a perception of conflict of interest that demands greater transparency. The lack of disclosures and unanswered questions about share purchases and revenue sources necessitate further investigation. For investors, CIAN Agro’s volatility warrants caution; for policymakers, ensuring impartiality and public trust is paramount.

Monday, June 29, 2015

Pankaja Munde don't Make A Fool of People,Come Clean in the Purchase affairs

Pankaja Munde, accused of involvement in a 'scam' for  purchases worth Rs 206 crore without inviting tenders claims that she tried  to break contractors' lobby. But documents show that instead of breaking “the lobby” she pampered same old tainted contractors whose “rate contracts’ (RC) were expired long back. She didn’t explain how come issuing contracts to same old tainted people is going to break “the lobby”?.


The contracts of chikki and ayurvedic biscuits were awarded to Suryakanta mahila audyogik sahakari santha ( SMASS) and “Gowardhan ayurfarma “  respectively. SMASS’s RCexpired in June 2013  and Gowardhans’ in July 2014. There were also severe allegations against both the contractors,  even then Munde awarded it to them in February 2015.

Before going to discrepancies in awarding contracts let us see what is Rate contract. A Rate Contract  is an agreement between the purchaser and the supplier for supply of specified goods at Specified price and terms & conditions  during the period covered by The Rate Contract (Normally it is always One year) . No quantity is Mentioned nor is any minimum drawal Guaranteed in the Rate Contract. The Rate Contract is in the nature of a standing offer From the supplier firm. But there is always limit on maximum purchase on Rate Contract

All government purchases in Maharashtra above Rs 3 lakh are mandated to be made after inviting tenders. This provision is there since 1993 . erlier purchase worth Rs 500/- at a time and Rs 20000/-  of as ingle item in a year was  allowed on rate contract  . But above that  tender process was mandatory. Gradually this limit and provision was increased to 3 lakh till December 2014.


As far as SMASS’s case is concerned in 2011 government decided that instead of sweet ground nut laddus chikki will be provided to children and pregnant ladies anganwadi in rural and urban areas. The rate given as per tender for both items was Rs. 1.27 for 10 gram i.e Rs 12.70  for 100 grams. This happened in June 2011. In February 2012 government suddenly reserved several items like  mango pulp, pickles,  amala-  kokam  sharbat including  Chikki to be purchased  from SMASS  only. In august 2012 rate for chikki to be purchased was decided as Rs 21 /- per 100 grams i.e almost double the rate in 2011. Now how and why  some items were reserved to be purchased from SMASS  is matter of investigation. But when organization belongs to political person then nothing is impossible. Rates decided for SMASS  were applicable to 30 June 2013 only.

Meanwhile two work order of supply of chikki were issued to SMASS on 29 April 2013 ,but despite of clear objections from  commissioner , Adivasi welfare nashik , purchase orders were issued. Afterwards orders were stayed on 14 June 2013. On objections raised by then MLC Nitin Gadkari, Vinod Tawade and Ashish Shelar on 16th july 2013 Minister assured High level inquiry in this case. Accordingly One man High level committee of P.S Meena  was appointed to inquire in to the matter on 20 November 2013 . But as the matter was High profile committee didn’t find time to enquire into itHence again extension was given to committee till May 2014. But what happened to committee report no one knows.

Interestingly inquiry committee on chikki was appointed on complaints of BJP members Gadkari, Tawade and shelar on 20 November 2013. But none of them followed it. Even after they came in to the power in October 2014 they didn’t do anything. Moreover one of their colleagues Pankaja Munde awarded contract to SMASS. What does that mean? .Allegations were baseless or contractor was powerful enough to silence everybody?  

In Gowardhan biscuits case Rate contract was for three years i.e from july 2011 to july 2014 .Meanwhile therewere allegations of Supply after expiry date. But there was no inquiry ordered.Crores of rupees tenders were awarded to Gowardhan.

There are following possibilities in these cases .

1) Inquiry committee gave clean cheat to SMASS .but even then rate contract was expired and it was necessary to renew it.

2) ) Inquiry committee held  SMASS guilty then question of Rate contract doesn’t arise at all

3) Even if there was a fresh Rate contract for year 2013-14  question of purchases more than 3 lakh was not allowed.

4) There were no fresh rate contracts on Governments official website. So purchases done without rate contract or tender are illegal.

5) Suppose if they feed, chikki or biscuits of entire year in a single month, what will happen to children?. But who cares?

There are several other allegations against her. But asking for the proof from others is not going to help her. One thing is clear as mandated by RTI act and other Government resolutions the documents related to all government affairs  should be placed on website. Instead of doing that asking proof from others is raising doubts over her credentials.She also puts blame on her predecessors.However she should not forget that,  they made mistakes and hence she is there. Hiding behind their sins  is not a good idea.Instead of making  fool of people, she should Come Clean in the  Purchase affairs. 

Subscribe for Free

To receive free emails or free RSS feeds, please, subscribe to Vijay Kumbhar's Exclusive News  &  Analysis 

RTI KATTA 


RTI KATTA is a platform to empower oneself through discussions amongst each other to solve their problems by using Right to Information act, Every Sunday at Chittaranjan Watika, Model Colony,Shivaji nagar, Pune, between 9.30 to 10.30 A.M.

Vijay Kumbhar


RTI Resource Person, RTI Columnist
Phone – 9923299199